Sunday, 9 December 2012

Social Problems in the World and Mexico


Social problems, also called social issues, affect every society, great and small. Even in relatively isolated, sparsely populated areas, a group will encounter social problems. Part of this is due to the fact that any members of a society living close enough together will have conflicts. It’s virtually impossible to avoid them, and even people who live together in the same house don’t always get along seamlessly. On the whole though, when social problems are mentioned they tend to refer to the problems that affect people living together in a society.

The list of social problems is huge and not identical from area to area. In the US, some predominant social issues include the growing divide between rich and poor, domestic violence, unemployment, pollution, urban decay, racism and sexism, and many others. Sometimes social issues arise when people hold very different opinions about how to handle certain situations like unplanned pregnancy. While some people might view abortion as the solution to this problem, other members of the society remain strongly opposed to its use. In itself, strong disagreements on how to solve problems create divides in social groups.

Other issues that may be considered social problems aren't that common in the US and other industrialized countries, but they are huge problems in developing ones. The issues of massive poverty, food shortages, lack of basic hygiene, spread of incurable diseases, ethnic cleansing, and lack of education inhibits the development of society. Moreover, these problems are related to each other and it can seem hard to address one without addressing all of them.

It would be easy to assume that a social problem only affects the people whom it directly touches, but this is not the case. Easy spread of disease for instance may tamper with the society at large, and it’s easy to see how this has operated in certain areas of Africa. The spread of AIDs for instance has created more social problems because it is costly, it is a danger to all members of society, and it leaves many children without parents. HIV/AIDs isn’t a single problem but a complex cause of numerous ones. Similarly, unemployment in America doesn’t just affect those unemployed but affects the whole economy.

It’s also important to understand that social problems within a society affect its interaction with other societies, which may lead to global problems or issues. How another nation deals with the problems of a developing nation may affect its relationship with that nation and the rest of the world for years to come. Though the United States was a strong supporter of the need to develop a Jewish State in Israel, its support has come at a cost of its relationship with many Arabic nations.

Additionally, countries that allow multiple political parties and free expression of speech have yet another issue when it comes to tackling some of the problems that plague its society. This is diversity of solutions, which may mean that the country cannot commit to a single way to solve an issue, because there are too many ideas operating on how to solve it. Any proposed solution to something that affects society is likely to make some people unhappy, and this discontent can promote discord. On the other hand, in countries where the government operates independently of the people and where free speech or exchange of ideas is discouraged, there may not be enough ideas to solve issues, and governments may persist in trying to solve them in wrongheaded or ineffective ways.

The very nature of social problems suggests that society itself is a problem. No country has perfected a society where all are happy and where no problems exist. Perhaps the individual nature of humans prevents this, and as many people state, perfection many not be an achievable goal.

 

Mexico is characterized by sharp class and social divisions. A small upper class controls much of the country’s property and wealth while the majority of Mexicans live in poverty. In 1989 the top 20 percent of Mexico’s income earners received 57 percent of the national income. The poorest 20 percent received only four percent of the national income, while the middle 60 percent earned the remaining 37 percent. According to the Economic Commission for Latin America and the Caribbean (CEPAL), only six countries outside of Africa have a more unbalanced income distribution than Mexico.

Compared to the United States, Mexico’s middle class is relatively small, making up a little more than one-third of the population. Many middle-class Mexicans have lifestyles similar to those of middle-class families in the United States—living in homes or apartments with modern amenities such as electricity and running water, owning one or more automobiles, and having access to educational and health-care facilities.

Most Mexicans, however, live in varying degrees of poverty. Although the Mexican government does not issue official poverty figures, several national and international organizations have issued studies that attempt to paint a picture of the extent of poverty in Mexico. Many of these organizations use a “Basic Basket of Foodstuffs” to determine whether families are able to satisfy their minimum needs for nutrition, housing, clothing, and health care. This basket of goods and services is given a monetary value and those households whose daily income is not enough to afford this basket are said to be living in “extreme poverty.” Those households whose daily income is more than the value of the basic basket, but not greater than twice the value, are said to be living in “poverty.” A 1996 study by Mexico’s National Autonomous University put the value of this basket at U.S.$5.39 a day and said that 51 percent of Mexican families could not afford this basket and were therefore living in “extreme poverty.” This was up from 32 percent in 1993 and 16 percent in 1989. A World Bank report, also from 1996, said that one-fourth of Mexicans earned less than U.S.$2 a day and that 17 percent of Mexicans earned less than U.S.$1 a day.

Mexico’s recent economic problems have hurt middle- and lower-income families much more than they have hurt wealthy families. During the late 1980s and early 1990s, Mexico’s highest income groups increased their overall wealth, while the earnings of poor Mexicans declined significantly. For lower- and middle-income families, this often meant that they had to reduce their already limited spending on food and other basic necessities.

Many poor Mexicans have little or no access to health care and live in housing that lacks one or more basic amenities such as electricity, running water, or sewerage. Although the quality of housing has improved considerably since 1970, in the mid-1990s approximately 12 percent of Mexican households remained without electricity, 11 percent lacked running water, and 26 percent were without sewer facilities. Many children also suffer from malnutrition and drop out of school early in order to begin earning money for their families.

In addition, Mexico’s rapid population growth has severely strained government services, especially education and health care. This growing population has placed tremendous pressure on the government and economy to create new jobs. The economy in the 1980s and 1990s has not been able to create enough jobs to keep up with population growth. Economic conditions have prompted thousands of skilled and unskilled workers to migrate north to the United States in search of employment.

Mexican cities suffer from many of the same social problems found in urban environments around the world. Poor economic conditions, however, have significantly increased the levels of urban crime in the country, especially in Mexico City. Drug abuse and juvenile crime have also increased in major cities in recent years.

Poverty in Mexico is characterized as the lack of access of its citizens to basic human needs such as nutrition, clean water, and shelter; it extends to the overall infrastructure of its society to include education, health care, social security, quality and basic services in the household, income and social cohesion as defined by social development laws in the country.[3]

The government currently uses a multidimensional system to measure the poverty threshold in the country: extreme poverty, moderate poverty, and overall poverty.[4] The first measures the minimum amount of monetary means required to afford nutrition, also known as the basic goods basket, for all members of the household. The second combined with the first, measures the minimum required to afford basic health care and education as well. The latter adds to the first two, the minimum required to afford a dwelling, transportation, and overall basic expenses in the household.[5]

Current figures indicate that as much as 44.2 percent of the Mexican population (over 49 million) lives below the poverty line as defined by the country's National Council of Social Development Policy Evaluation (Spanish: Consejo Nacional de Evaluación de la Política de Desarrollo Social, CONEVAL).[1] In 2008, 33.7% of the population lived in moderate poverty and at least 10.5% suffered from extreme poverty.[6]

Historically, Mexico's development has fallen behind of other developed nations and this restrain has been linked to tardiness in establishing social development as a national priority along with inadequate production models set by the Mexican government, bias politics, and corruption.[7] In modern times, Mexico's heavy dependency on foreign influences, particularly its northern neighbor the United States and foreign trade policies that do not favor the common citizen have been cited as contributors to poverty.[8][9] In general, decades of neglect have led to social enigmas like a high percentage of the population lacking formal education, unemployment, and an overall uneven distribution of opportunities.[10] Only in recent years, after various economic setbacks, has Mexico recovered to a level where the middle class, once virtually nonexistent, is beginning to flourish.[11][12]

Mexico's positive potential and the result of millions in poverty is always a topic of discussion among opinion-makers.[13][14] Some economists[15][16] have speculated that in four more decades of continuous economic growth, despite common trends in Mexico such as emigration and violence, Mexico will be among the five biggest economies in the world, along with the China, the United States, Japan, and India.[17]

In recent times, extensive changes in government economic policy[18] and attempts at reducing government interference through privatization of several sectors,[19] for better[20] or worse,[21] has allowed Mexico to historically remain the biggest economy in Latin America,[22] until 2005 when it became the second-largest;[23] and a so-called "trillion dollar club" member.[24] Despite theses changes, Mexico continues to suffer great social inequality and lack of opportunities.[25] The current administration has made an approach at reducing poverty in the country, to provide more opportunities to its citizens such as jobs,[26] education and health care.

Government involvement


Social development began to take place in the form of written policy in the early 1900s.[33] The Mexican Constitution, approved in 1917, outlined the basic social protections citizens are entitled to, including the right to property, education, health care, and employment; and it establishes the federal government responsible for the execution and enforcement of these protections.[34]
Map of Mexican states indicating HDI (2004)

0.80 and higher DARK GREEN

0.750–0.799      LIGHT GREEN

0.70–0.749        YELLOW

The global economic crisis of the late 1920s and forward slowed down any possibility of social development in the country. Between the 1920s and the 1940s, poverty levels remained between 53 to 48 percent while illiteracy levels range between 61.5 to 58 percent.[35] Between the 1930s and 1940s, the government focused on establishing social protection institutions. By the late 1950s, 59 percent of the population knew how to read and write.[33] By the 1960s, individual involvement of some states to increase social development, along with the country's economic growth, as well as employment opportunities and greater income, and the migration of people from the rural states to the urban areas, helped reduced poverty nationwide.[33] The 1970s and 1980s saw the transformation of government and economic policies. The government gave way to flexible foreign trade, deregulation and privatization of several sectors. After the economic crisis of the 1990s, Mexico recovered to become an emerging economic power; however, the amount of poor nationwide has remained constant even with the country's overall growth.[36][37]

Regional segregation


As reforms have taken place, the southern states remain forgotten. These states have taken little part in establishing their infrastructure.[vague] The country's government has not focused on providing an even level of development and growth throughout the country.[38] As citizens of the least fortunate states have noticed growth and improvements in others states, many have simply left seeking better opportunities.[39][vague] Historically, southern states like Chiapas, Oaxaca, and Guerrero have remained segregated from the rest of the country.[40] Their implementation of infrastructure, social development, education, and economic growth has been poorly accounted for. These states hold the highest levels of illiterates, unemployment, lack of basic services such as running water and sanitation, overall urban infrastructure, and government establishment.[41]

Causes of poverty


The reasons for poverty in Mexico are complex and widely extensive.[42] There is a consensual agreement that a combination of uneven distribution of wealth and resources sponsored by economic and political agendas to favor the rich and powerful is a major contributor to the millions left behind.[43][44]

Individual condition


In the economic sense, access to insufficient monetary means to afford goods and services becomes the immediate reason to be poor. Because a person's personal income dictates what he or she can afford and what he or she will remain deprived of, the first common cause of poverty is the individual condition.[45] This means, a person's individual circumstances and possibilities create their opportunity for access to goods and services. This condition is triggered by a person's income, education, training or work experience, social network, age, health, and other socio-economic factors:

  • Lack of and unavailability of education

As population has grown, the number of students enrolled in schools throughout the country has grown tremendously since the 1950s.[46] At the same time, government efforts to accommodate the growing student population, improving the quality of instruction and promoting prevalent school attendance has not been enough and therefore education has not remained among priorities for families who must struggle with poverty.[47][48] 700,000 students grades 1-9 dropped out of school in 2009 in all of Mexico.[49] 7.9 percent (almost 9 million) of the population is illiterate.[49] 73% of Mexican households have at least one member without education or education below the 7th grade.[49] 40 percent of people in the states of Chiapas, Veracruz, Hidalgo, Oaxaca and Guerrero have education below the 7th grade.[50] There are virtually no opportunities for people without education in Mexico. With daily minimum wages so low, individuals without the training or education beyond high school are unable to compete in an economy where even the educated struggle with laborer-scale wages, unable to afford a minimum standard of living.[51]

  • Underemployment

Getting an education does not immediately translate to landing better paying jobs or overcoming unemployment in Mexico.[51] As compared to other countries, such as the United States where a college degree can be the difference between a minimum wage position and a higher-paying job because higher education is required or appreciated.[52] There are only a few better paying jobs in Mexico for university and other well-educated graduates. In fact, many[quantify] college degrees holders find themselves earning wages too low to support themselves and their families.[53] Situations like this have cause the standard of living among the urban middle class to deteriorate and as a consequence brings on emigration from this sector to other countries, mainly the United States and Canada.[54]

  • Other challenges

Mexico does not promote equal opportunity employment despite established laws forbidding most socially-recognized forms of discrimination.[55] The government doesn't become sufficiently involved to promote opportunities to all citizens; including reducing discrimination against middle-age and elder citizens. Over a million of the unemployed face age discrimination and 55% of all unemployed face some form of discrimination when seeking employment.[56] There are virtually no opportunities for individuals with special requirements such as the disabled.[57] As job seekers become older, it is harder for them to get employed as employers tend to seek candidates within the "younger than 35 range". Social security (IMSS) is insufficient and there is a huge gap in proportion to the entire population (50% covered), the work force (30% covered), and the retired (33% covered).[58] There is no unemployment insurance in Mexico.[59]

Insufficient infrastructure


Mexico is a country where investment on infrastructure has remained as unequally distributed as income, specially in rural areas and in the southern states.[60] Became many people establish in rural areas, without government permission, and without paying property taxes, the government does not make significant efforts to invest in overall infrastructure of the entire country, yet it has started to do so until the 1990s.[61] Communities often face a combination of unpaved roads, lack of electricity and potable water, improper sanitation, poorly maintained schools, vandalism and crime, and lack of social development programs.[62][63] The government did not begin to focus on improving and modernizing the federal highway system up until two decades ago when it was composed of two-lane roads; often deathtraps and the scenarios of head-on collusions between truckers and families on vacation.[64] A tour of any major city in Mexico is sufficient to see the uneven distribution of resources and public investment.[65] City and state governments often face challenges providing every community and citizen with the basic services of urbanized life.[66] Often citizens must provide for the development of their own neighborhoods as there is no clearly visible government agency in charge of providing regular city management and maintenance services, including tax collection and/or distribution of funds to places of most need.[67] Because of this, higher income communities will invest in the development of their own communities while lower income communities will be deprived of the basics such as running water and drainage.

  • Geography and poverty

The concentration of poverty and distribution of wealth and opportunities is clearly visible from a geographic perspective.[68] The northern region of the country offers higher development while the southern states are the most impoverished. This is clearly the result of states equipped with better infrastructure that others. The states of Chiapas, Oaxaca, and Guerrero are among the least developed in the country. These states hold the highest numbers of indigenous population. As a result, 75 percent of the indigenous population lives below the poverty line and 39 percent under extreme poverty.[69] Their infrastructure is broken to the basics such as lack of roads, access to education, health services, and employment sources.[70]


Map of Mexican states indicating levels of overall poverty (2005)

62.4-75.7     DARK GREEN

35.8-41.9     LIGHT GREEN

9.2-22.5       WHITE

 Unemployment


Unemployment in Mexico has been continuous.[25][51] In 2009, the unemployment rate was estimated at 5.5 percent (over 2.5 million).[71] In spite of splendid macroeconomic indicators that currently exist: continuing low levels of inflation and stability in the nation’s currency exchange rate; a sufficient number of formal jobs- at least one million every year to keep up with the growing population- have not been created in over ten years.[72] With the abundance of natural resources in the country- as well as its petroleum wealth, these benefits don't seem to reach many of the people of Mexico who lack job opportunities and the means to raise their standards of living out of poverty and marginalization.[73]

In order to improve present day employment opportunities in Mexico, existing laws and regulations must be replaced for efficient instruments with greater legal certainty; encourage private investment; increase the collection of taxes; stimulate the productivity of businesses and the training of workers; and create more and better jobs.[74]

  • Inequitable distribution of income

Mexico’s inequitable distribution of wealth is among the highest in the world.[75] Eighty-five percent of the national wealth is concentrated in a few families of entrepreneurs, corporate magnates, and politicians.[76] Carlos Slim, the richest man in Mexico and in the world has a personal fortune equal to 4 to 6 percent of the country's GDP.[77][78] In spite of efforts by government officials during the past three administrations; transition to globalization,[79] the NAFTA agreement;[80] Mexico has been unable to create efficient public policies in order to compensate for the distortion of its market and the poor distribution of national income.[81]

  • Obsolete regulatory framework

The absence of basic agreements among Mexico’s main political parties for more than ten years has caused a serious backwardness in needed legislation in a number of areas.[82] As a result of structural reform failures on labor, fiscal, energy and legal matters, Mexico has fallen behind reducing poverty and encouraging development comparable to Latin American countries like Chile, Argentina, Brazil and Costa Rica.[83][84] The current economic framework needs adjustment on virtually all levels including business development opportunities, fair competition, tax collection and tax law; commerce, trade and finance regulations.[85]

  • Absent competitive principles

The Mexican economy does not support unprivileged businesses, considering its current standards regarding monopolies, both in the public and private sectors.[86] By law, there are public monopolies: government-owned companies controlling oil and gas, electricity, water, etc.[87] Private sector monopolies are found in the media, television, telecommunications, and raw materials.[88] There have been a lot of loop holes in Mexican antitrust laws and only recently[when?] has the Mexican congress taken action.[89] For this reason, clear principles of competitiveness that offer incentives to private investment, both national and foreign, are needed in order for jobs to be created.[90]

Government and politics


Mexico's rampant poverty, lagged social development and general public welfare is strongly tied to its politics.[91] Historically, the political system of Mexico has not favored the general population, mainly because it focused to become and be a single-party system of government, largely dubbed "institutionalized" where those in charge had a one-voice, unquestionable plan of action mainly focused to favor the few elite while ignoring the welfare of the rest of population. From the 1800s to the end of the 20th century, as presidential administration came and went, the forms of government has been described as authoritarian, semi-democracy, centralized government, untouchable presidencies, mass-controlling, corporatist and elite-controlled.[92] As each administration took turn, some changes have occurred, sometimes as to contribute to the welfare of the least fortunates but, overall, the political framework behind the economic and social structure of the country continues to be the greatest contributor to inequality.[93]

  • Foreign Trade Policies and Foreign Dependence

While the NAFTA agreement proved effective in increasing Mexico's economic performance, foreign trade policies have been heavily criticized by activists such as Micheal Moore (in Awful Truth) as not doing enough to promote social advancement and reducing poverty.[93] To remain competitive in the international market, Mexico has had to offer low wages to its workers while allowing high returns and generous concessions to international corporations.[94] The words "palancas" and "favores" are part of Mexican economic culture where high-ranking policy makers and private entrepreneurs are accused of promoting their own bottom line while ignoring the necessaries of the working class.[95]

Current recessionary trends in the United States have an even greater impact on Mexico because of the great economic dependence on the northern neighbor. After crude oil export sales, remittances sent home by Mexicans working in the United States are Mexico’s second largest source of foreign income.[96][97]

  • Government Efforts and Economic Policies

Administration after administration, economic policies and social development programs have been targeted at decreasing poverty and increasing development in the country. Even with the best of intentions, friction between the "special interests" of decision-makers and the general public welfare, makes it difficult for clear goals in the benefit of the public to be accomplished.[98]

Cancun is an excellent example of where the government failed to promote general welfare. While known for its crispy white beaches, fancy hotels of international renown, and spring break; Cancun is a faraway reality for most Mexicans.[99] One only needs to step away from the exclusive hotel strip to discover how even in one of the most touristic destinations in the world, an uneven distribution of wealth and development remains.[100] As many other projects[which?] in Mexico, Cancun was envisioned to promote economic growth but while it contributes significantly to the Mexican economy, it falls short to boost social development and reduce poverty either regionally or nationwide.[101]

  • Transparency and Corruption

The lack of political transparency in Mexico has led to bureaucratic corruption and market inefficiencies, and as explained below, income inequalities.[102][103][104] The ability to exercise civil rights has been increasingly displaced by the control of official authorities, including access to vital information that can capture the misappropriation and mis-allocation of funds, and public participation in state and municipal-level decision-making.[105] This opens up a channel for corruption. Evidence of this can be derived from the Corruption Perception Index 2010: Mexico received a low score of 3.1, on a scale of 0 to 10 (lower scores represent higher levels of corruption).[106] The result is a diffusion of corruption, from the state to the municipal level, and even right down to local security.[107][108]

While it can be difficult to quantify the costs of corruption with pinpoint accuracy, a report from the UN estimates that the cost is about 15 percent of Mexico’s GNP, and 9 percent of its GDP.[109][110] Such higher costs have adversely affected the growth of the economy, for instance deterring foreign investments due to uncertainty and risk. A study by Pricewaterhouse Coopers reveals that Mexico had lost $8.5 billion in foreign direct investments in 1999 due to corruption.[111] Business companies admit to spend as much as 10 percent of their revenue in bureaucratic bribes.[110] 39 percent is spent on bribing high-ranking policy makers and 61 percent on lower-ranking bureaucratic-administrative office holders.[112] At least 30 percent of all public spending ends up in the pockets of the corrupt.[112]

Even the domestic impact of corruption is no less severe, incurring additional expenses on firms and households. A family on average pays 109.50 pesos as bribes to authorities; households have also reported paying up to 6.9 percent of their income as bribes. In total, the cost of corruption in terms of GDP was estimated to be about $550bn in 2000.[113]

The situation is still problematic in spite of recent initiatives by the state to become more transparent to the public.[114] Over the years, there has been an effort by the government to reduce opacity, but even so, these initiatives often do not realize their full potential. In June 2003, under Vincente Fox’s presidency, the implementation of the Federal Law of Transparency and Access to Public Government Information (IFAI) offered civic organizations and members of the public to acquire previously undisclosed information. This reform has led to the exposure of previous under-the-radar activities, such as the government’s misappropriation of 200 million pesos that was intended to combat AIDS.[115] And yet, censorship is still prevalent: in 2008, changes were proposed to increase the subjugation of IFAI’s decisions to state control, so that the distribution of information would become more centralized.[116] A number of vertical subversions were also carried out at the time, including the merging of offices that handled information requests with less important agencies.[117] This violated the earlier progressive changes to the constitution, including Article 6, so that transparency was threatened.

Opacity is therefore a major player as a determinant of inequality, especially in effecting the welfare of lower-class households.[118] When resources are misallocated and official funds pocketed by illegitimate parties, the true quality of public services such as healthcare tend to be lower than expected;[119] similarly, the secrecy of the government’s budget allocation prevents public scrutiny, so it is difficult to establish financial accountability.[120] As well, from a broader perspective, vital infrastructure from projects, especially those aimed at facilitating social mobility, will also have to deal with the potential impediments caused by the overpricing effect and unnecessary risks of corruption, thereby reducing the accessibility of infrastructure for the poor, especially in rural areas where such infrastructure is less established than in urban areas.

Discrimination is acting towards someone or something with partiality or prejudice.Contrary to what we have achieved over the years as far as human rights and equalbenefits for everyone, we still face discrimination and prejudice in our day to day living.In today's contemporary society minorities play a huge role in every aspect of the social

world. They play a part in the economical, educational, entertainment, sports, and manymore aspects of which makes our society complete. Due to the existence of discrimination against these minorities, there are a lot of conflicts and difficulties which makes our contemporary society more complex to some extend.

Many times the skin color, country of birth, religious differences, social status and other factors have made life difficult and complicated for these minorities. Minorities have faced many difficult challenges in the past in order to become a part of the social world.In many cases they have been challenged to make extreme changes in their ordinary livesto overcome their apparent differences and become accepted as a part of theirenvironment. There are vivid examples of prejudice for racism that shows how the minorraces have to struggle much more than major ones to get what they deserve.

Consequently due to the existence of discriminatory actions against minorities there are many different conflicts in our contemporary society. These conflicts can be seen in different areas of family(like the preferring boys over girls), schools ( not paying attention to how is their grades but what is their race and etc.) workplace (not rating working based on their fulfilling their duties but something else), neighborhoods, and etc.Prejudice has caused too many wars between countries throughout the history, like the one in Palestine and Israel.

 

 

 

 


Urban and Rural Areas

Urban and Rural areas in the world
 
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Urban areas (or urban agglomerations) are areas of continuous urban development within a metropolitan area (labor market area), and are the physical form of that constitutes the essence a city. Generally, urban areas can be identified by the lights one would see from an airplane at night or in a satellite photograph. Urban areas are not metropolitan areas, which represent the economic or functional form of a city. Urban areas are a component of metropolitan areas, the other component of which is non-urban or rural territory. A metropolitan area is the combination of the urban area(s) and rural areas, which together comprise the economic region or labor market (commute shed).
Over the last year, new census reports have become available in such nations as India, Indonesia, China, Canada, Bangladesh, the United States and South Korea. The new data has resulted in a number of ranking changes from before.
The Megacities: In 2012, 26 urban areas qualify as megacities (Rental Car Tours for 24 of the megacities are available), with populations of greater than 10 million people (Table). As has been the case for nearly six decades, Tokyo remains the largest urban area in the world, with approximately 37 million. New York, which Tokyo displaced in 1955, has fallen to seventh largest and has the lowest population density of any megacity, at 4600 per square mile or 1800 per square kilometer (Note 2). London, which New York displaced in the 1920s never became a megacity due to the imposition of its greenbelt. Instead urbanization leapfrogged into the exurbs of southeast England, where all of the London area's net population growth has occurred since World War II (London ranked third as late as 1960).
 
 
Jakarta (Jabotabek) has emerged as the world's second largest urban area, with a population of 26 million. This is a larger population than reported by the United Nations, since its estimates include little more than DKI Jakarta, the national capital district and beyond which urbanization stretches for a considerable distance. Continuing suburban growth in Seoul-Incheon secured that urban area a ranking of third, with approximately 22.5 million people. As was reported last year, new estimates indicate that Delhi has emerged as India's largest urban area, with a population of 22.2 million and a growth rate that should result in its passing Seoul-Inchon in a matter of a few years. Mumbai, which like Mexico City in the 1980s has often been promoted as being destined to become the largest urban area in the world, was passed by Delhi over the past decade and has become the second largest urban area in India.
Manila is ranked as the fifth largest urban area in the world, with 22.0 million people. In Manila, as in Jakarta, the population reported to the United Nations is far below that of the genuine urban area. The reported population is for the National Capital Region (popularly and misleadingly called "Metro Manila), which represents approximately one-half of the population of the urban area, which stretches into four additional provinces (Cavite, Laguna, Rizal and Batangas). If the population of the Washington urban area were reported in the same manner, it would be 600,000 – the population of the District of Columbia – rather than the 4.6 million indicated in the 2010 census for the entire urban area.
Los Angeles, until recent years one of the fastest growing urban areas in the world, has dropped to 17th largest in the world and seems destined to drop out of the top 20 in the next decade or two. Fast growing Karachi, Istanbul, Lagos and others could become larger than Los Angeles. Los Angeles reached its peak ranking of 6th largest in the world from 1965 through 1980 and entered the top ten by 1950.
Over the past decade, Paris became a megacity, reaching a population of 10.7 million. Paris has been Western Europe's fastest growing large urban area since World War II. All of its growth since 1921 has been in the suburbs, which stretch over more than 1,000 miles (2,600 square kilometers). This is more land area than Houston's suburbs, but more densely populated. Since 1921, the historical core municipality (the ville de Paris) has dropped in population from 2.9 million to 2.2 million.
By world standards, the Paris urban area has grown slowly, having fallen from being the world's third largest in 1965 to its current ranking of 23rd. However, over the past census period, Paris added 600,000 residents, compared to less than 200,000 in the previous period, indicating a decline in out-migration and a higher natural population rate increase.
Urban Area Densities: Dhaka, the capital of Bangladesh grew strongly between 2001 and 2011 and is by far the most densely populated urban area in the world. Dhaka's density is estimated at 115,000 per square mile or 44,000 per square kilometer, with slum (informal dwelling) densities reported report up 4,210 per acre, or 2.7 million per square mile (1 million per square kilometer). At this density, all of the world's 3.7 billion urban residents could be accommodated in an area approximately equal to that of the Washington (DC-MD-VA) urban area. All of Dhaka's urban population of 15.4 million fits into a land area equal to that of the city (municipality) of Portland (population less than 600,000). Nonetheless, analysts have referred to this example of the ultimate of urban density to be "sprawling."
Among the urban areas with more than 2.5 million population, the second-most dense is Mumbai, at 80,100 per square mile or 30,900 per square kilometer. The most dense high income world urban area is Hong Kong, at 67,000 persons per square mile or 25,900 per square kilometer. Of course, Hong Kong's density is the result of an accident of history, which resulted in huge migration to the former British colony following World War II. Hong Kong is more than twice as dense as the second most dense high income world urban area, Busan, Korea. The smaller nearby, yet historically similar enclave of Macau (560,000) has an even higher density than Hong Kong, at 70,000 per square mile (27,000 per square kilometer).
Seven of the densest urban areas with more than 2.5 million population are on the Asian subcontinent. These include Dhaka and Chittagong in Bangladesh, Mumbai, Ahmedabad, Surat and Jaipur in India and Karachi, in Pakistan. Colombia has two of the densest, Bogota and Medellin. Hong Kong is the only high income nation urban area among the 10 densest (Figures 1-2)
 



The least dense urban areas with more than 2.5 million population are all in the United States. The least dense is Atlanta, with 1800 people per square mile or 700 per square kilometer. The second least dense is, perhaps surprisingly, Boston, despite its reputation for high density. Boston's population density is 2200 per square mile or 800 per square kilometer. Also, perhaps surprisingly, Philadelphia is the least dense urban area in the world with more than 5 million population, while Chicago is the least dense urban area of more than 7.5 million. The lower density of US urban areas is illustrated by the fact that Portland, with its reputation for higher density and densification planning, would have ranked 11th least dense, if it had reached the 2.5 million threshold used in this ranking.
Most Extensive Urban Areas: New York covers the most land area of any urban area at nearly 4500 square miles or 11,000 square kilometers. Tokyo covers 3300 square miles or 8500 kilometers. Chicago is the third most expansive urban area, at 2,600 square miles (6,900 square kilometers). Los Angeles, which has long been perceived as the most sprawling of world urban areas, ranks fifth, covering 2400 square miles or 6,300 square kilometers. Atlanta and Boston, the world's least dense major urban areas, rank 4th and 6th, covering 2,600 and 2,100 square miles respectively (6,900 square kilometers and 5,400 square kilometers).
The Continuing Exodus from Rural Areas: Around the world, people continue to seek the promise of better economic outcomes in urban areas. United Nations forecasts indicate that another 2.5 billion people will be added to urban areas by 2050, while rural areas (which contain all population not urban) will be reduced in population by 300 million. The world's urban population is expected to rise from today's nearly 53 percent to 67 percent. More than 90 percent of the urban growth is expected to be in less developed nations.
Wendell Cox is a Visiting Professor, Conservatoire National des Arts et Metiers, Paris and the author of “War on the Dream: How Anti-Sprawl Policy Threatens the Quality of Life”.
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Note 1: Demographia World Urban Areas uses national census authority urban area population and land area data in the few nations designating urban areas on a basis generally consistent with that of the United States Census Bureau. Elsewhere, land area estimates are determined using satellite photography (Google Earth). Population estimates are also obtained from a variety of sources, such as United Nations data, where it is reflective of the urban area population (some data reported to the United Nations is for jurisdictions that are only a part of the urban area and in other cases, metropolitan area data is reported), estimates relying on a "build-up" of local authority data from national census authorities and other sources. Demographia combines some adjacent urban areas when they are contained within the same metropolitan area or consolidated area, such as in New York and Los Angeles (for a complete list see Demographia World Urban Areas). Also see: Urban Terms Defined.
Note 2: Exceptions: In some cases, continuous urbanization does not constitute a single urban area because they are not within a single labor market (metropolitan area). This can be the case within a nation, such as in the Pearl River Delta of China, where Shenzhen, Dongguan, Zhongshan, Jiangmen, Huizhou, Zhuhai, Guangzhou-Foshan and Hong Kong, which are separate labor markets. International borders (and the Hong Kong-Shenzhen border) also define separate urban areas if free movement of labor is not permitted. Thus Detroit and Windsor or San Diego and Tijuana are separate urban areas because free movement of labor is not permitted. On the other hand, treaties permit virtual free movement of labor between the French and Belgian sides of the Lille urban area and between the Swiss and French components of the Geneva urban area.
 
What is ‘urban’ and what is ‘rural’? The implications of administrative definitions
The difference between urban centres and rural areas may seem so obvious that definitions should not be an issue. However, there can be major variations in the ways in which different nations define what is an urban centre. The criteria used include population size and density, and availability of services such as secondary schools, hospitals and banks. However, the combination of criteria applied can vary greatly. Even the population thresholds used can be different: for many African nations it is 5,000 inhabitants, while for most Latin American and European nations it can be as low as 2,000 or 2,500 or even just a few hundred inhabitants.
This wide fluctuation in definitions has three important implications.
  • Official classifications should be treated with caution – for example, a large proportion of settlements classed as ‘rural’ in China and India would fall within the ‘urban’ category if they used the criteria and population thresholds adopted by many other countries. Given the size of the population of these two countries, this would significantly increase the overall proportion of urban residents in Asia and in the world.
  • International comparisons are difficult, as they may look at settlements which, despite being classed in the same category, may be very different in both population size and infrastructure. In addition, the reliability of data on urbanization trends within one nation can be compromised by changes in the definition of urban centers over time.
  • Public investment in services and infrastructure tends to concentrate on centers that are defined as urban. As a consequence, investment can bypass settlements not defined as urban even if these can, and often do, have an important ‘urban’ role in the development of the surrounding rural areas. Within national and regional urban systems, larger cities also tend to be favored with public investment over small and intermediate-sized urban centers, including those with important roles in supporting agricultural production, processing and marketing.
Outside the city boundaries: the peri-urban interface
The physical boundaries of urban built-up areas often do not coincide with their administrative boundaries. The areas surrounding urban centers generally have an important role in providing food for urban consumers, with proximity lowering the costs of transport and storage. It is difficult to make generalizations on the nature of peri-urban areas, which depends on the combination of a number of factors including the economic and infrastructural base of the urban center, the region and the nation; the historical, social and cultural characteristics of the area, and its ecological and geographical features. Peri-urban areas around one center are also not necessarily homogenous: high- and middle-income residential developments may dominate one section, while others may host industrial estates and others provide cheap accommodation to low-income migrants in informal settlements.
The peri-urban interface around larger or more prosperous urban centres is also the location where processes of urbanisation are at their most intense and where some of the most obvious environmental impacts of urbanisation are located. They are often characterised by:
  • Changes in land use: land markets are subject to competitive pressure as urban centres expand and speculation is frequent. Whether low-income groups such as small and marginal farmers or residents of informal settlements can benefit from these changes, or end up losing access to land, depends largely on land rights systems.
  • Changing farming systems and patterns of labour force participation: because peri-urban agriculture can be highly profitable, small farmers may be squeezed out by larger farmers who can invest in agricultural intensification. As a consequence, wage agricultural labour often becomes more important than small-scale farming, attracting migrant workers. On the other hand, residents of peri-urban areas may benefit from employment opportunities in the city.
  • Changing demands for infrastructure and pressure on natural resource systems, with many rural dwellers’ access to resources having to compete with urban demand (for example, for water, fuelwood and land for non-agricultural uses) or affected by urban-generated wastes.
Variations in the characteristics of peri-urban areas can be important. For example, in the growing number of extended metropolitan regions in Southeast Asia, agriculture, small-scale industry, industrial estates and suburban residential developments co-exist side by side. Availability and affordability of transport are essential for the intense movement of goods and the extreme mobility of the population. In other contexts, and especially in less industry-based economies such as many countries in sub-Saharan Africa, agriculture still prevails in peri-urban areas although often with significant shifts in land ownership and use. This is especially the case where smallholder productivity is low because of the increasing costs of inputs and limited credit availability. Other problems include poor access to urban markets due to a lack of roads and physical infrastructure and the tight control over access to the urban market-places by middlemen and large traders. Thus, despite proximity to urban consumers, small farmers may be easily squeezed out, especially as the value of land in peri-urban areas increases with the expansion of the built-up center.
Understanding rural-urban differences and rural-urban linkages
 The figure emphasizes some of the most ‘rural’ characteristics of people’s livelihoods in the column on the left and some of the most ‘urban’ characteristics in the column on the right. These should be regarded as two ends of a continuum with most urban and rural areas falling somewhere between these extremes. The text noted earlier the importance of non-farm income sources for many rural households (including remittances from family members working in urban areas) and the importance of agriculture and/or of rural links for many urban households (including urban centers with many residents who work seasonally in rural areas).
For all the contrasts between ‘rural’ and ‘urban’ highlighted in the figure, there are many exceptions. It is also useful to see in the middle of the continuum between ‘rural’ characteristics and ‘urban’ characteristics a ‘rural-urban’ interface in which there are complex mixes of ‘rural’ and ‘urban’ characteristics. For instance, many of the areas around prosperous cities or on corridors linking cities have a multiplicity of non-farm enterprises and a considerable proportion of the economically active population that commute daily to the city or find work seasonally or temporarily in urban areas. Many rural areas also have tourist industries that have fundamentally changed employment structures and environmental pressures.
 
 
Governing across and beyond the rural-urban boundary
If well managed, the interactions between towns and countryside are the basis for a balanced regional development which is economically, socially and environmentally sustainable. Local development is increasingly associated with decentralisation processes, on the assumption that local government is ‘closer’ to citizens – meaning that it is both more accountable to them and that it has a better understanding of local needs and priorities. With regard to rural-urban linkages, local government can play an important role in facilitating positive interactions and limiting negative exchanges:
  • It is best placed for decision-making on physical transport and communication infrastructure; however, expenditure for infrastructure can be significant and well beyond the means of local government. Wider alliances, which increase access to financial resources, are therefore necessary.
  • The management of natural resources and wastes is an important area of local government intervention. However, it often includes much wider areas than those administered by local authorities, and requires alliances with other local, regional, national and sometimes cross-border governments.
  • National level policies also have an important role, for example, with respect to access to land and land ownership and titling in both rural and urban areas. Clearly, this is not the responsibility of local authorities but is nevertheless crucial for local development planning and practice.
In short, understanding rural-urban linkages matters because it provides the basis for measures that can improve both urban and rural livelihoods and environments. Ignoring them means that important opportunities will be lost, and in many cases it will also contribute to poor and marginal people’s hardship. There are urban initiatives that can reduce ecological damage to rural areas, and help support regional development. However, with a narrow urban-centric approach, such initiatives are unlikely to be given the priority they deserve.
 
 
 
In 1900, the Mexican population was 13.6 million. During the period of economic prosperity that was dubbed by economists as the "Mexican Miracle", the Mexican government invested in efficient social programs that reduced infant mortality rate and increased life expectancy which jointly led to an intense demographic increase between 1930 and 1980. The population's annual growth rate has been reduced from a 3.5% peak, in 1965 to 0.99% in 2005. While Mexico is now transitioning to the third phase of demographic transition, close to 50% of the population in 2009 was 25 and younger. Fertility rates have also decreased from 5.7 children per woman in 1976 to 2.2 in 2006. The average annual population growth rate of the capital, the Federal District, was the first in the country at 0.2%. The state with the lowest population growth rate over the same period was Michoacán (-0.1%), whereas the states with the highest population growth rates were Quintana Roo (4.7%) and Baja California Sur (3.4%),both of which are two of the least populous states and the last to be admitted to the Union in the 1970s. The average annual net migration rate of the Federal District over the same period was negative and the lowest of all political divisions of Mexico, whereas the states with the highest net migration rate were Quintana Roo (2.7), Baja California (1.8) and Baja California Sur (1.6). While the national annual growth rate is still positive (1.0%), the national net migration rate is negative (-4.75/1000 inhabitants), given the intense flow of immigrants to the United States; an estimated 5.3 million undocumented Mexicans lived in the United States in 2004 and 18.2 million American citizens in the 2000 Census declared having Mexican ancestry. Mexico itself constitutes the second country of total number of immigrants to the United States from 1830 to 2000, after Germany.
The Mexican government projects  that the Mexican population will grow to about 123 million by 2042 and then start declining slowly. Assumptions include fertility stabilizing at 1.85 children per woman and continued high net emigration (gently decreasing from 583,000 in 2005 to 393,000 in 2050).
The states and the Federal District that conform the Mexican federation are collectively called "federal entities". The five most populous federal entities in 2005 were the State of Mexico (14.4 million), the Federal District (8.7 million), Veracruz (7.1 million), Jalisco (6.7 million) and Puebla (5.4 million) which collectively contain 40.7% of the national population. Mexico City, being coextensive with the Federal District, is the most populous city in the country, whereas Greater Mexico City, that includes the adjacent municipalities that conform a metropolitan area, is estimated to be the second most popular in the world, by the UN Urbanization Report.
Intense population growth in the Northern states, especially in the US-Mexican border, changed the country's demographic profile in the second half of the 20th century since the 1967 US-Mexico maquiladora agreement through which all products manufactured in the border cities could be imported duty-free to the US. Since NAFTA, however, in which all products are allowed to be imported duty free regardless of their origin within Mexico, non-border maquiladora share of exports has increased while that of border cities has decreased, allowing for the growth of middle-size cities in different regions in Mexico. This has also led to decentralization and growth of other metropolitan areas that conform regional centers of economic growth, like Monterrey, Guadalajara, Puebla, San Luis Potosí, León and Torreón.